Despite the Bloodshed: How the U.S. and Egypt Are Pushing to Unite Libya’s Army Under Haftar

Libya has been grappling with deep political and military divisions for years, with two rival authorities vying for control, each backed by armed factions with differing loyalties.

The first government was appointed by the Tobruk-based House of Representatives in early 2022 and is currently led by Osama Hamad, operating from Benghazi. It governs the entire eastern region and most of the south, aligning with renegade general Khalifa Haftar.

The second is the UN-recognized Government of National Unity, headed by Abdul Hamid Dbeibeh, based in Tripoli, which administers the entire western region.

Amid this turmoil, the 5+5 Joint Military Commission emerged as an effort to bridge the military divide and lay the groundwork for unifying Libya’s armed forces.

Formed under the 2020 Berlin Conference on Libya, the commission consists of five military representatives from Dbeibeh’s government and five from Haftar’s forces. Since then, it has been holding UN-backed talks inside and outside Libya, aiming to merge the country’s military institutions as part of the ceasefire agreement between eastern and western factions.

The commission has achieved some key security breakthroughs, notably brokering the 2020 ceasefire. However, it continues to face major hurdles in advancing more ambitious goals, particularly the formation of a unified military force capable of ending fragmentation and ensuring national security.

In this complex landscape, both Egypt and the United States play critical roles, albeit with different strategies and agendas.

Given its geographic proximity and historical ties to Libya, Egypt seeks to maintain a political and security balance that ensures stability along its western border.

Meanwhile, Washington considers the unification of Libya’s military as part of its broader strategy to counter Russian influence in the region.

This regional and international involvement raises pressing questions about Libya’s military sovereignty and the ability of local actors to assert their will amid external pressures.

As Libya’s military future hangs in the balance, one question looms: Can the 5+5 Commission break through political and logistical roadblocks to forge a unified national army?

Cairo and AFRICOM

In a key development, the 5+5 Joint Military Commission met in Cairo on February 10, 2025, with Egyptian Armed Forces Chief of Staff Lt. Gen. Ahmed Khalifa joining the opening session.

The Egyptian military spokesperson stated that the meeting was part of Cairo’s ongoing efforts to support the Libyan people and foster a suitable environment for dialogue, aiming to reconcile differences and prioritize Libya’s national interests.

Khalifa praised the Libyan parties’ continuous efforts to bridge gaps and unify military and security institutions while reaffirming the importance of upholding the ceasefire agreement to maintain stability.

The Cairo meeting followed a visit by a high-level delegation from the U.S. Africa Command (AFRICOM), led by Deputy Commander Lieutenant General John O. Brennan. The delegation, which included AFRICOM’s Director of Security Cooperation, Rose Keravuori, and U.S. Chargé d’Affaires to Libya, Jeremy Berndt, toured Tripoli, Benghazi, and Sirte on February 6–7.

During their visit, Brennan met with Dbeibeh, acting as defense minister, along with Deputy Defense Minister Abdulsalam al-Zoubi and Libyan Army Chief of Staff Lieutenant General Mohamed Haddad.

In Benghazi, he held talks with Haftar and his son Saddam. The delegation then traveled to Sirte, where they visited the headquarters of the 5+5 Commission and held a joint meeting with its members. However, the commission did not issue any statements regarding the discussions.

Joint Force Initiative

Sources within Libya’s 5+5 Joint Military Committee have revealed that the U.S. delegation discussed with the committee plans to establish a joint military-security force composed of units from both eastern and western Libya.

According to the U.S. proposal, the initial formation of this force is expected to begin by March 2025.

The idea of creating a joint military force has been raised multiple times by American officials in meetings held in Tripoli and Benghazi. British military officials visiting both cities in January 2025 also discussed the project.

What sets the latest U.S. proposal apart is a detailed operational plan presented by AFRICOM officials to the 5+5 Committee during their visit to its headquarters in Sirte.

The plan outlines several phases, starting with the selection of four officers—two from the east and two from the west—who will form the leadership of the joint force. These officers will then appoint one among them as the overall commander, while the remaining three will be assigned roles in training, mobilization, and operations.

Subsequent phases include advanced military training both inside and outside Libya to equip members of the force with modern weaponry and technology.

The primary focus of this joint force will be security-related, particularly in border protection and safeguarding critical infrastructure.

General Brennan, head of the U.S. delegation, described the past week as a significant step forward in strengthening military and security cooperation with Libyan military and civilian leaders, including tactical unit commanders.

He also noted that both the Government of National Unity and Haftar’s forces in Benghazi had demonstrated a greater commitment to unifying the military institution. According to Brennan, this cooperation—through joint engagements and direct military training—benefits both sides and supports broader efforts to overcome divisions and foster unity.

Haftar’s Empowerment

Meanwhile, skepticism is growing regarding Libya’s next phase, amid reports of a tacit understanding between Cairo and Washington to solidify General Khalifa Haftar’s influence by ensuring he controls most of the country’s military arsenal.

Libyan High Council of State member Ahmed Hamouma told Libya’s al-Wasat newspaper that Egypt and the U.S. are engaging in a transparent maneuver by portraying Haftar’s forces as a formal military institution and advocating for unifying Libya’s armed forces under his command.

He warned that if Haftar gains control over both eastern and western forces, he could seize power through a soft takeover. As for countering Russian influence in Libya, Hamouma dismissed the notion, calling it “an illusion meant to mislead.”

Hamouma said Russia and the U.S. have underlying agreements to divide spheres of influence, adding, “Frankly, I don’t believe Russian military presence in Libya exists without some level of understanding between the two powers.”

On July 19, 2024, General Brennan also met with Saddam Haftar, who serves as Chief of Staff of the Libyan Army’s ground forces, and his brother Khaled, who heads the security units affiliated with their father, Khalifa Haftar.

Following the meeting, U.S. embassy platforms in Libya reported that discussions focused on military unification, Washington’s commitment to working with professional military officers nationwide, expanding training and education programs, securing Libya’s borders, and counterterrorism efforts.

Foreign Agendas

Libyan journalist Omar al-Hassi believes that forming a unified military force between eastern and western Libya faces significant obstacles, ranging from deep internal divisions to foreign interference that has fueled conflict and prolonged the civil war since 2014.

Speaking to Al-Estiklal, he pointed out that one of the key factors hindering this effort is Egypt’s negative role. “Cairo hasn’t just provided military and political support to Haftar—it has also carried out airstrikes inside Libya on two occasions and actively participated in the battle for Tripoli, where Haftar’s forces suffered defeat and were pushed back as far as Sirte and Jufra,” he said.

“Egypt, in coordination with its regional allies, particularly the UAE, has sought to impose military dominance as a solution to the conflict, disregarding the fact that stability cannot be achieved through force alone without a comprehensive political process that ensures genuine representation for all Libyans.”

Al-Hassi stressed that true national unity will not come from further militarizing the political landscape or attempting to impose a new reality through force. Instead, Libya needs a legitimate democratic path that restores the people's right to determine their own future—free from foreign interference driven by external agendas, whether from regional players like Egypt and the UAE or global powers such as the United States and Russia.

“The past has shown that military force alone is not enough to bring stability unless it is accompanied by an effective national political process that includes all segments of Libyan society—tribes, civil groups, and communities from both east and west—through genuine dialogue, free from external dictates that only serve to deepen divisions for their own interests.”

Al-Hassi also emphasized that foreign involvement in Libya cannot be separated from the competition over its vast natural resources, particularly its oil fields, which remain the primary target of many international actors involved in the Libyan conflict.

“While some claim to be working toward stability and military unification, the reality is that foreign interventions have always been driven more by a desire to control Libya’s oil wealth than by any genuine effort to bring peace,” he added.

“This has been evident in the way certain countries back specific military factions over others and manipulate alliances to secure long-term influence over Libya’s economic assets.”

“Real stability cannot be achieved through foreign interference and imposed solutions. It can only come from an independent, democratic process that prioritizes the will of the Libyan people—free from the ambitions of those who see Libya not as a nation with a rightful people, but as a battleground for economic and security influence,” the journalist concluded.