Four Years After Kais Saied’s Power Grab: Assessing Tunisia’s Lost Democratic Promise and the Road Ahead

Tunisia marks four years since Kais Saied’s coup overturned the constitution that gave him power after the 2019 elections. Opposition political forces have called for the restoration of democracy and the fulfillment of the Jasmine Revolution’s goals of freedom, dignity, and development.

On July 25, 2021, President Kais Saied announced the suspension of the constitution. He dissolved parliament, dismissed Prime Minister Hichem Mechichi’s government, and appointed a new one.

Saied also dissolved the Supreme Judicial Council and several other constitutional bodies, including the National Anti-Corruption Authority. On July 25, 2022, he introduced a new constitution that shifted the political system from a parliamentary to a presidential one, granting himself sweeping powers.

In late 2022, Saied called for legislative elections. Voter turnout was low, and opposition parties boycotted the vote. A loyalist parliament was installed, with limited authority and no real checks on the presidency.

In February 2023, Saied launched a wide security campaign targeting dozens of opponents. Many were arrested and jailed, then tried on charges of conspiring against state security under anti-terrorism laws. Courts handed down harsh sentences in initial rulings.

The National Salvation Front

The National Salvation Front in Tunisia (NSFT) is the largest opposition political coalition confronting Kais Saied. It includes several parties, organizations, and public figures. In a statement issued on July 24, 2025, the Front declared its rejection of what it called a coup against legitimacy, which had been ongoing for four years.

The Front stated that the coup “destroyed the young democratic experience born from the January 14, 2011 Revolution, which had inspired hope across the world.”

“The coup dragged Tunisia back into authoritarianism, strangled all elements of democratic political life, violated public and individual freedoms, undermined human rights and pluralism, and dismantled the foundations of the republic and peaceful power transition,” it added.

Among the most visible signs of this crisis, the Front cited the suffocation of political life, restrictions on party and civil society activity, the freezing or abolition of constitutional institutions, the erosion of judicial independence, the organization of elections that failed to meet the standards of free and democratic voting, and the collapse of dialogue, participation, and constitutional oversight.

It also noted the proliferation of punitive trials lacking basic guarantees of due process, and the issuance of harsh sentences (some extending for decades) against numerous political opponents, human rights defenders, journalists, and business figures.

On the economic and social fronts, the NSFT pointed to a sharp increase in prices, the severe erosion of citizens’ purchasing power, widespread shortages of food and medical supplies, the bankruptcy of many small and medium enterprises, and the worsening of poverty, unemployment, migration, and marginalization.

The Front reaffirmed its commitment to democratic struggle to restore the democratic path, secure the release of all political detainees, end political prosecutions, and launch a national dialogue among all forces committed to the goals of the revolution, the principles of democracy, and the republican system. This dialogue must be inclusive and unconditional to save Tunisia.

It called on all parts of the Tunisian national opposition to take responsibility, overcome partisan and sectarian divisions, and move beyond rigid ideological stances to save Tunisia from authoritarianism and one-man rule, and to restore the democratic life for which the people have long sacrificed their lives and blood.

The Road to the Coup

In remarks marking the anniversary, former Tunisian Foreign Minister Rafik Abdessalem said that July 25 did not represent a path of reform or rescue, but rather a fully-fledged coup.

In a Facebook post, Abdessalem said the path was prepared through deception and manipulation. This included exploiting the consequences of the COVID-19 crisis, fueling internal conflicts across society and state, and inciting chaos and disorder in parliament to create a climate for seizing power.

“The outcome of this disastrous coup is now clear to all. It is reflected in Tunisians’ daily reality: rising poverty and deprivation, soaring unemployment and marginalization, skyrocketing prices, deteriorating living conditions, mounting domestic and foreign debt, and the collapse of all productive sectors,” he added.

“On the political front, the coup leader has turned Tunisia into a large prison filled with hundreds of free activists from all backgrounds and sectors. Among them are politicians, judges, lawyers, union members, journalists, bloggers, and civil society figures, men and women, young and old.”

Abdessalem added that the judiciary was turned into a submissive tool used to stage sham trials and serve the ruler’s thirst for revenge and repression. He also referred to Tunisia’s growing international isolation, which he attributed to the coup leader’s delusional ambitions to rewrite history and reshape humanity’s course.

Given all this, Abdessalem stated, “Tunisians have no choice but to unite their ranks, pool their efforts, and rise above minor differences to defeat the coup and its perpetrators. They must restore Tunisia to the path of revolution and freedom, and repair what this miserable coup has ruined, through solidarity and collective commitment to justice, reform, and the common good.”

Journalist Monia Rhimi shared a photo of former Parliament Speaker Rached Ghannouchi being barred from entering the parliament building in July 2021. She wrote, “This image is not just a moment. It is testimony and a defining historical turning point with lasting consequences.”

“On the night of July 25, when the doors of parliament were shut abruptly and unlawfully, Mr. Rached Ghannouchi stood outside, exhausted and still recovering from COVID-19. Yet he did not hesitate. He did not retreat. He stood in front of the tank.”

“He stood before a locked parliament in defense of the constitution, of democracy, and of Tunisians’ right to be heard and to live in a dignified state,” Rhimi added.

She said that Ghannouchi held no power and carried no weapon. He only carried the legitimacy of the people and the awareness of a man long acquainted with exile. “Many disagreed with him,” she wrote, “but no one can erase that image from Tunisia’s collective memory.”

“An old and ill man now sits in prison, alone in the darkness, facing the coup. What is most shocking is that, today, after all that, he is in jail while the people have turned away and watched in silence.”

A Look at the Political Situation

Journalist and writer Mhamed Krichen asserted that Tunisia has regressed dramatically on all fronts over the past four years. He said the greatest disaster remains the uncertainty; no one knows where the country is headed or when the steep and frightening decline will stop.

In an opinion piece published by al-Quds al-Arabi on July 22, Krichen, a principal presenter and anchor at Al-Jazeera, said Tunisia lost its democracy and gained nothing in return. It surrendered the freedoms it once had, along with fair elections, a vibrant media landscape, an active parliament, a dynamic party life, and oversight institutions that had begun building new traditions.

“Four years have passed without even the start of a single large-scale, tangible project. No new highway, no bridge, no hospital or university, no upgrade to an airport that is no longer fit for purpose. Nothing at all,” he added.

What made matters worse, the Tunisian journalist noted, was not just the absence of progress but the slow collapse of what had already existed. This came as a result of neglect, lack of maintenance, and the absence of financial resources for even the most basic needs. The deterioration, he said, has reached far more dangerous spheres.

Among them, according to Krichen, are “deepening human rights violations, committed with impunity, and total disregard for legal safeguards. These violations have taken place with the clear complicity of a judiciary now fully subservient to the will of the ruling authority.”

He also noted the spread of hate speech and incitement, a tactic frequently used by the president against opponents to justify evident failures. This rhetoric, Krichen warned, has started to infect segments of the population.

He documented “a sharp decline in local authorities’ ability to provide basic services, such as public safety, street cleanliness, maintenance of public facilities, environmental protection, and public health, especially after the dissolution of all municipal councils.”

“Over the past four years, Tunisia has faced growing international human rights condemnation and deepening isolation. Public finances remain strangled, with constant borrowing just to repay previous loans, while citizens suffer under rising prices and deteriorating public services,” according to Krichen.

In a statement marking the occasion, Democratic Current leader Hichem Ajbouni said the July 25 experience represented a dangerous slide into absolute one-man rule.

He argued that President Saied exploited the loss of trust in the previous political system to consolidate unchecked power. This, he said, undermined state institutions and marginalized the role of political parties and civic organizations.

Ajbouni noted that the country has since entered a phase marked by the absence of accountability and a shutdown of political life. “All powers have been concentrated in the hands of one man, amid a divisive discourse that labels all dissenters as traitors or conspirators.”

He said the current parliament, elected under the 2022 constitution, has lost all real legislative power. It has become a symbolic institution that does not reflect pluralism or genuinely represent citizens. Instead, it operates under a climate of loyalty and fear, avoiding criticism of the president and weakening serious debate and oversight of the executive branch.

Ajbouni stressed that “Saied's system has failed to achieve any meaningful economic success. Instead, it targeted judicial independence, dismantled the opposition, and imprisoned opponents.”

He said that populist slogans have had no impact on the reality Tunisians face. They continue to endure inflation, unemployment, and a high cost of living.

Ajbouni concluded by stating that “the president’s speeches, full of slogans, no longer convince anyone,” and that “Tunisia is now paying the price for autocratic rule and improvised decisions that have deepened its isolation and worsened its economic crisis.”

Said Supporters

On the other side, political activist Naoufel Saied stated that “the moment of July 25, 2021, was a historic opportunity for Tunisia to emerge from the deep structural crisis it had fallen into.”

According to Radio Diwan on July 25, Saied said that “were it not for that moment, as many have acknowledged, the country would have descended into a cycle of violence and counterviolence.”

“Yes, Kais Saied had the merit and the courage to initiate that moment, and history will remember him for it. But since its beginning, that moment has become the property of Tunisia. It is now our responsibility to support and develop it,” he added.

“This moment became a national milestone that produced an alternative political project. It was able to integrate the core of the state with the rising protest energy, which the political elite that governed the country for a decade failed to absorb. In that sense, it became a marker of political stability of considerable importance.”

Saied emphasized that “the state may face certain crises under these new conditions, but in all cases, they remain temporary.”

“The moment of July 25 lies at the heart of national choices that reject the dictates of the global financial capitalist system.”

The End of the Plague

Tunisian political analyst and media activist Nasreddin Souilmi says the country was struck by a “political plague” on July 25. This plague left behind a bleak political and partisan landscape. While a free, steadfast minority remains, Souilmi warns that political parasites have grown from the coup’s shadow.

Speaking to Al-Estiklal, Souilmi criticized the Tunisian General Labour Union (UGTT) for its negative role at the start of the coup. He drew a sharp contrast with Bolivia’s union, which immediately called for an open-ended general strike on June 26, 2024, following a coup attempt.

He noted that while Bolivia’s union mobilized to defend democracy in the capital, Tunisia’s union called for multiple general strikes that actually undermined democracy.

Souilmi added that the UGTT’s leadership rushed to endorse the July 25, 2021 coup, describing the decade of democracy and the revolution’s legitimacy as “black.”

In response to political activist Naoufel Saied's remarks, Souilmi dismissed them as empty rhetoric, insisting that Saied, whether he realized it or not, had admitted to the country’s dire state.

He accused Saied of deceiving himself and misleading others, arguing that the current situation is worse than before and warning that what follows Kais Saied could be even more dangerous.

Souilmi argued that Naoufel Saied’s message to the international community is to accept the coup, integrate the coup leader, and stop rejecting him, warning that refusal risks harming everyone’s interests.

He pointed out that this attitude reflects Tunisia’s political isolation under Kais Saied’s July 25 coup.

Souilmi believes the end of this “July 25 plague” will come from within, from its failures, lies, myths, actions, and behaviors.

He called on all citizens to actively participate in protests demanding the fall of the coup and the restoration of democracy and legitimate institutions.

Meanwhile, Belkacem Hassan, a senior figure in the National Salvation Front and Ennahda Movement, warned that Tunisia’s pro-democracy forces are entangled in infighting when the country can least afford political division.

In a statement to Tunigate on July 23, 2025, Hassan noted the failure of the July 25 march announced by the Front due to internal disputes within the Tunisian Network for Rights and Freedoms, which called for a similar protest.

He described this as a return to narrow partisan calculations and pointed to ideological rigidity in some groups.

Hassan called the situation “absurd” and condemned what he called “childish” and “irresponsible” behavior by some parties.

He said the episode was a harsh lesson for those constantly demanding joint action and unified opposition.

He added that it was also a betrayal of detainees, democracy, and Tunisia itself, concerns absent from those driven solely by narrow party interests.

Hassan emphasized that the Front set an example by putting aside narrow party interests and reaching out to all sides.

He clarified that their participation in the joint march was not due to weak public support but was instead meant to demonstrate collective backing, which he described as the strongest approach for the national scene, the opposition, and political detainees alike.

He confirmed there is no real spirit of opposition unity, noting that Tunisia’s history has shown how difficult it is to achieve due to sharp political divisions caused by the stances of a few parties.

Hassan highlighted the presence of anti-democracy forces that did everything to undermine Tunisia’s democratic journey after Ennahda dominated elections during the so-called “black decade.”

The Tunisian Network for Rights and Freedoms includes the following parties: the Workers’ Party, Democratic Current, Socialist Party, Afek Tounes, Social Democratic Path, al-Qotb, Democratic Forum for Labour and Liberties, Republican Party, and Social Liberal Party.