Egypt's Student Movement: Suppressed and Controlled Under Sisi's Regime

The recent student union elections in Egypt revealed the extent of the regime's control over campus activities, effectively sidelining any real competition, even from independents.

The dominant feature of the electoral process was the overwhelming influence of the Students for Egypt movement, backed by the government, which secured a victory by acclamation due to the absence of any rivals.

On November 14, 2024, student union elections began at universities across Egypt for the 2024-2025 academic year, amid a complete absence of political plurality, the exclusion of active party-affiliated youth, and the security forces' stranglehold on the student movement.

A Sad Day

As the marathon of student union elections kicked off, starting with Cairo University, Egypt's largest and most prestigious institution, its president, Mohamed Sami Abdel Sadek, declared that "student elections are not a struggle, but a fair competition."

However, the reality, as confirmed by student eyewitnesses, was that there was no competition to begin with.

Student activist Hossam Mahmoud wrote on x, “A sad day in the history of the student movement. No one was allowed to run in the student union elections except 'Students for Egypt' at the universities.”

“We’ve gone beyond the stage of disqualifying candidates from the list, and reached the point of outright banning nominations altogether,” Mahmoud continued.

Meanwhile, human rights activist Seif al-Islam Eid tweeted, "The Egyptian student movement is on the path to total erasure."

Abdallah Nmyr commented on the one-sided election scene, “Every moment I witness the death of the student movement at Egypt’s universities, my heart is struck with a pang, like reopening an old wound that never heals.”

One List Only

On November 16, 2024, Mada Masr reported that a large number of Egyptian university students complained about official obstructions aimed at preventing them from running in the elections.

The move favored the Students for Egypt lists, which are present across all universities and backed by the regime.

A student leader, speaking on condition of anonymity to avoid harassment or security reprisals, told Mada Masr that the violations began when administrations at the youth welfare offices at Cairo and Ain Shams universities exclusively shared the election timetable with the Students for Egypt group.

Students were then taken by surprise on the day they were due to submit their candidacies, when they discovered that the submission window had been limited to just five hours, coinciding with mid-term exams in most faculties.

Mada Masr reported that the restrictions in favor of the regime-backed list did not stop there; some youth welfare offices at Ain Shams University even refused to inform students about the requirements for candidacy.

The excuse of incomplete, unofficial paperwork was then used to block the acceptance of students' nomination forms, including those of independents.

Multiple Obstacles

In addition to the regime's dominance, a series of obstacles were placed in the path of students wishing to run in the elections.

The Ministry of Higher Education and the Supreme Council of Universities announced that only students who had paid their fees would be eligible to run. Mada Masr reported another issue faced by Cairo University students.

While attempting to pay the necessary fees to complete their nominations, the payment system was completely down for the entire duration of the submission period, preventing them from submitting their candidacies.

According to student testimonies, youth welfare staff granted the head of the Students for Egypt list exclusive access to the university's electronic system to pay the required fees for all members of the list.

The report also revealed that at Zagazig, Mansoura, and Alexandria universities, “youth welfare staff refused to provide nomination forms to independent candidates and members of other student groups unaffiliated with Students for Egypt.”

One female student from Zagazig University disclosed that a student affairs staff member directly informed her that there were no elections taking place, and that only a single list, which had already been submitted to the faculty administration, had been approved.

Repressive Charter

In 2017, the Supreme Council of Universities approved a new student charter, and the surprise came with the official announcement that national student unions would be abolished, leaving only faculty and university-level unions.

At the same time, Cairo University was preparing to commemorate the October 1973 War, and during the celebrations, the university launched the Students for Egypt initiative.

According to its stated goals, the initiative focused on training students in small business ventures, completely distancing itself from political activity.

From 2018 onwards, Students for Egypt began its dominance in student union elections.

During this period, the group organized numerous events with political aims, including a celebration marking eight years of Sisi’s rule and the "achievements" he had claimed, as well as organizing rallies in support of the regime.

The "Security" Student

In an interview with Al-EstiKlal, Egyptian researcher Ahmed Ragab explained that what is happening at universities is a microcosm of what is unfolding at the national level.

"I’ve been in contact with students at Cairo University this year and in previous years [...] The National Security agency effectively organizes these elections. The candidates’ papers are first reviewed by them, who then grant preferential treatment to members of the 'Students for Egypt' list," he continued.

To add to the absurdity, these students also receive priority for scholarships, meetings with officials, and representation of the university, Ragab noted.

He explained that the goal is to create what he described as a "security student" — one who reports on peers with religious or political activities, and ensures they do not become involved in political work, particularly regarding protests or gatherings.

Ragab remarked that Sisi, who has stifled politics in Egypt and turned it into a situation akin to North Korea or other major repressive regimes, knows that the student movement is the bedrock of political action. As such, he aimed to completely eradicate it.

A Storied Legacy

The current situation unfolding at Egypt’s universities is a recent development in the context of their long history. 

For over a century, the student movement in Egypt has played a crucial and vital role, both in expelling British colonial forces and in reviving political activism.

According to Al-Estiklal, the historian Walter Laqueur said “No students have played a role in the national movement like the students in Egypt.”

The movement had a strong beginning when it was formed at the turn of the 20th century. 

Notably, its existence preceded the founding of Egypt's first university on December 21, 1908, which was initially called the Egyptian University (later renamed Cairo University).

The student movement emerged in 1905, spearheaded by the nationalist leader Mustafa Kamil, who established the Higher Schools Club to organize students, raise their political awareness, and rally them against the British occupiers at the time.

Only a few years later, the events of the 1919 Revolution erupted, with Egyptian students playing a central role in fueling its spirit and forming its core, acting as a vanguard of an intellectual and activist class dedicated to the cause of Egypt.

At the time, students could be seen repeatedly emerging from universities and schools, holding signs that read, “Full independence or certain death,” in their struggle for the country’s independence.

The flame of student activism remained ablaze until the 1946 uprising, which saw its main demand to halt any negotiations with the British colonial government in Egypt.

It was during this period that the famous Abbas Bridge Incident occurred, when security forces opened the bridge while students were crossing, resulting in the death and drowning of several students in the Nile.

Following this, the student movement began coordinating with labor committees and successfully formed a united front. 

On February 21, 1946, they declared the day a national holiday for independence, and it was commemorated National Students' Day.

Stagnation and Revival

The 1952 revolution and the subsequent rise of military rule under former president Gamal Abdel Nasser marked a period of partial eclipse for the student movement.

The absence of student activism during the 1950s and 1960s, as the socialist vanguard dominated affairs, contributed to the failure of Egyptian political life, which ultimately led to the humiliating defeat of 1967.

Despite the harshness of this defeat, it ignited a wave of anger within the student movement. 

On February 21, 1968, a massive uprising erupted in response to the humiliating setback, with “approximately 100,000 Egyptian university students participated in this uprising.”

Student demonstrations did not cease until Egypt secured victory over “Israel” in the October 6th War of 1973, reclaiming the Sinai Peninsula.

Throughout the 1970s, the student movement experienced a renaissance, marking its golden era. 

Student leaders emerged who would go on to lead the opposition and shape Egypt’s political life for years to come.

This was most evident during the 1977 Bread Riots, when students shook the foundations of the regime in a true revolution—one that became a point of pride for that generation and for generations to follow.

Victory and Setback

During the reign of ousted president Hosni Mubarak, marked by political corruption and the expansion of a police state, the student movement’s struggle continued relentlessly for 30 years.

Students played a significant role in the January 25, 2011 revolution, a role that persisted and evolved until the military coup of July 3, 2013, which was met with widespread public rejection, with students at the forefront of the resistance.

At that time, students faced unprecedented violations by security forces, who stormed universities, arrested students, forcibly disappeared many, and killed some under torture.

Following this, the Sisi regime and its repressive apparatuses banned student union elections for two years, tightening their grip on universities through private security firms and police forces.

Student union elections were finally held again in 2015, but under the new system designed by the regime, which aimed to make them a mere formality—devoid of any real competition or opposition voices.