Turkish Website: This is China's New Role on the Middle East Stage

According to a Turkish website, China is currently changing its role in global politics, as the principles known as "peaceful coexistence" that have continued since the time of the republic's founder Mao Zedong have now changed.

"China is beginning to emerge as a global force on multinational issues such as climate and policies such as the Belt and Road Initiative," says Vicker Toro in an article for Jeryn Ergenich, a professor at Xi'an Jiaotong-Liverball University in China.

As the Middle East entered China's attention, the Middle East became a candidate to change Beijing's foreign relations and the global balance of power, although it was not initially a priority for the Belt and Road Initiative.

However, Sino-Middle Eastern relations were determined by political motives during the Mao era, while economic neutrality prevailed after his reign.

 

Bilateral Relations

Today, we can see signs of political bias, which arguably stem from the role of a "responsible superpower", as well as economic relations, in China's Middle East policy.

"It was anti-colonialism that defined relations between China and the Middle East during the Cold War," Ergenich said.

Although China, which was in diplomatic isolation from the Western world, was not officially included in the Non-Aligned Movement because of its relations with the USSR, the "Third World" was one of the important frameworks for Chinese foreign policy in the Mao era.

Although China did not recognize Palestine diplomatically until 1988, it has been taking a pro-Palestinian stance in its foreign policy since its founding.

China has also established political, cultural and economic relations with the Palestinians since the early 1960s, while it did not establish diplomatic relations with Israel until 1992.

Thanks to this clear political position, Egypt, a prominent member of Arab socialism, became the first Arab country to recognize the People's Republic of China in 1956.

Gulf states, which took their place on the western bloc side, established relations with China after diplomatic normalization in the 1970s, according to the Turkish writer.

"Following Mao's era, China improved its economically motivated relations with the region and became an external player in the Middle East as its dependence on energy sources increased since the 1980s. 

However, balances in trade relations have always been in China's favor, as has been the case in many other regions.

Intensive economic relations have left their mark on China's relations with Middle East countries until the past decade. 

But as China's current President Xi Jinping came to power, the country began to change relations with the Middle East, just as it had changed many other foreign policies, the writer said.

Areas of Relationships

Xi Jinping made his first presidential trip to the Middle East in 2016. In the same period, the Chinese State published the Arab Policy Document. 

Although this document was then described as "Empty", China has been pursuing the regional strategies described in that particular document ever since.

"This strategy document is based on a "1+2+3 cooperation model." 

While energy is a priority in this model, infrastructure, trade and investment are the second priority, while the third focus is on nuclear energy, satellites and new energy sources.

China covers more than half of its oil needs from Saudi Arabia and Iraq.

It has secured its oil supply for 50 years after its Foreign Minister Wang Yi's trip to Saudi Arabia in 2021. 

China is also buying oil from Iran, diversifying its oil resources.

The Middle East has become one of the central regions of the Belt and Road Initiative launched by the Chinese President in 2013. 

Hence, the Belt and Road Initiative is a two-purpose foreign policy; China aims to systematically offshore excess domestic capital while increasing its regional influence.

"Major infrastructure investments such as the Suez Canal, which are vital to sea routes within the Belt and Road Initiative, have been a part of this," she said. 

Highways covered by the Belt and Road Initiative included Iran, through the Tehran Railway linking the China-Pakistan line, and Israel with the Red Meade project, which aims to connect the Red Sea to the Mediterranean Sea.

"The Belt and Road Initiative relies mainly on construction, especially infrastructure, as in Silk City, Kuwait.

It is welcome in the face of the economic slowdown faced by Arab countries in the wake of political instability after the Arab Spring and low oil prices.

In addition to infrastructure investments such as the 2022 FIFA World Cup Stadium, the Gulf states emerged as China's most important green technology and financial markets customers in the 1920s. 

Energy companies, involving Chinese state-owned economic companies, are restructuring cities such as Dubai with environmentally friendly technologies, according to the author. 

 

Political Aspect

Does China have a place in political relations in the Middle East? 

In fact, China is signaling its intention to intervene in regional political issues in the Middle East as this is a tool through which it can strengthen its image as a responsible global power.

"China has only been contributing financially to UN peacekeeping operations because of the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of the countries it has been following since Mao's era," she said.

But the Middle East and North Africa region was the region that excluded it from this principle. For example, Libya was excluded, although it withdrew from the peacekeeping forces after international intervention led to regime change.

However, in the Arab-Israeli conflict, China continues to call for a two-state solution as stipulated in the 2016 Arab Policy Document.

However, Chinese academic and cultural institutions are not involved in boycotting Israel and their economic relations continue under the Belt and Road project and bilateral relations.

Domestic policy concerns have arguably also played a role in China's support for Palestine. 

Although the Chinese state argues that its policies in Sanjan are not about the religious identity of the people of the region and that it is a matter of national security, anti-Islamism is increasing in Chinese public opinion, creating a public opinion that supports Israel in China, the author says.

This contradicts the official rhetoric in support of Palestine in the context of anti-imperialism. Since the pro-Israel position is not at a level that jeopardizes official policies, the Government has not yet taken a step to control public opinion.

The author notes that the Gulf states have declared unconditional support to the Chinese government in the Sanjan cases (in which violations against Muslim Uighurs are taking place) and Hong Kong (a commercial entity separate from the Chinese mainland) in conjunction with economic agreements. 

Unlike the Gulf states, the reason north African-China relations have not deepened is because the latter has linked the Arab Spring to the umbrella movement in Hong Kong and taken a cautious stance.

"China's entry into the Middle East theater means entering a game other than its own, but the increasing blockade policies of the United States in the last three presidential periods have pushed Beijing to become a political player in the Middle East before it is fully prepared," she said.

She concludes her article by warning that China should not take major steps with regard to the Middle East because it is relatively new in the region.