Jordanian Politician: ‘The War on Gaza and Lebanon Will Drag On, and Iran's Silence Encourages Israel’ (Exclusive)

Former Jordanian politician and minister Jawad Anani believes that the current Israeli war on Gaza and Lebanon won’t stop unless “Tel Aviv” accepts “its current situation” and withdraws from the occupied territories, as it cannot remain there forever.

In an interview with Al-Estiklal, Anani said “Israel believes that one year after Operation al-Aqsa Flood, it has nearly achieved its goals of establishing buffer zones, expanding its territory, ensuring internal security, and dismantling two resistance groups.”

“The Iranian missile attacks have made the Israelis more humble, as things are not as easy as they believe, because the Iranian-Israeli war is at stake,” he noted.

“Jordan's position is very steadfast in its response to the war on Gaza and Lebanon, as it believes that being a part of the war would result in losing all sides and returning to extremely difficult positions,” according to Anani.

The Jordanian politician highlighted that “Jordan has significant power over Israel, including its resilience and agreements that, if breached by Tel Aviv, will trigger a response.”

Jawad Anani, born in 1943, is a Jordanian politician and economist with a Ph.D. from the University of Georgia in the United States. He has served as Deputy Prime Minister for Economic Affairs and held several ministerial positions, including those in industry, trade, foreign affairs, tourism, and media.

One Year Since al-Aqsa Flood

One year now after Operation al-Aqsa Flood and the escalation of Israeli aggression in Gaza, now extending to Lebanon, how do you evaluate the current situation?

After a year since Operation al-Aqsa Flood, Israel believes it has reached a stage where it is close to achieving all its aspirations to create buffer zones, occupy more land, and consolidate its internal security.

It also believes it is nearing the elimination of two resistance groups it considers the most powerful and hostile [referring to Hezbollah and Hamas.]

However, the Iranian missile attacks have humbled the Israelis, as the situation is not as easy as they think; the Iranian-Israeli rivalry is now at stake.

This means that if Tehran remains silent about Israel's actions against Hamas and even against Iran itself, it will give the Israelis, particularly Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, a sense of superiority, believing they are on the verge of victory—especially if this silence follows the assassination of leader Ismail Haniya and the explosions of Pager and Walkie-Talkie devices in Lebanon.

Therefore, I believe the war won’t stop unless Israel accepts “its achievements” and withdraws from the occupied territories, as it cannot remain there forever. I also think it may soon face a government change and new elections even before 2028.

How do you perceive Jordan's political and security response to the Israeli aggression on Gaza?

I believe Jordan's position is very steadfast in its response to the war on Gaza and Lebanon, as it believes that entering the conflict would result in losing all sides and returning to extremely difficult positions.

By intercepting Iranian missiles targeting “Israel,” is Jordan putting itself in the line of fire, risking retaliation from Iranian proxies?

The issue isn't about fearing Iran; Tehran has the full capability to strike Jordan if it decides to.

Jordan can only adopt a neutral stance and cannot allow its territory to become a battleground between Israel and Iran, as Jordan would be the country under attack.

Jordan is also surrounded by countries that are unable to come to its aid; in fact, they are in need of help themselves. As a result, every Arab nation is now relying on its own resources and shaping policies to protect its interests.

Despite these challenges, Jordan is currently doing everything it can—diplomatically, humanitarian, medically, socially, financially, and in its support of the Palestinian cause, which is a core aspect of its policies.

Therefore, I believe Jordan's position is sound and balanced, taking into account regional and international conditions while understanding its limits and ability to defend itself.

This would be Jordan's greatest achievement, particularly if Israel attempts to eliminate the idea of a Palestinian state and replace it with an alternative homeland in Amman, as the King [Abdullah II] highlighted in his United Nations speech.

Does Jordan have untapped leverage against “Israel” that could be used to halt the assault on Gaza and prevent its escalation?

Jordan possesses numerous cards to play against Israel, including its resilience and agreements that, if breached by Tel Aviv, will trigger a response.

If Israel seeks to incite chaos in Jordan, it risks facing the consequences itself.

It is well-known that the Palestinian Resistance sees Jordan as a crucial front, and Jordan is not incapable of defending itself.

In fact, I believe Jordan is among the most stable countries, having demonstrated this repeatedly. It enjoys a positive humanitarian standing and commands moral respect globally, making it difficult for Israel to launch an attack.

Israel is also aware that should it enter Jordanian territory, over a million Jordanians are able to take up arms and resist.

If a front opens in Jordan, with Jordanian resistance joining the Palestinians, it would create a significant burden for Israel, something its army leaders fully recognize.

Jordan is capable of effectively using its political and diplomatic cards, that’s why it could criticize Israel and hold it accountable for war crimes committed against our people in Palestine and Lebanon. Tel Aviv can only reply with harsh words and reckless comments from its extremist ministers.

Public Angry

The Jordanian public’s response to the Israeli aggression is reflected in the large-scale protests. Could this situation escalate further?

Historically, the Jordanian people have stood in solidarity with our brothers in Palestine and those affected in Lebanon as well.

Some believe that the recent parliamentary election results indicate that the Islamic Action Front party gained from its strong support for Hamas, Islamic Jihad, and the wider resistance movement.

There are strong public sentiments in Jordan that the government does not suppress or interfere with; instead, it allows people to express themselves within legal boundaries.

It is only natural for all Jordanians to empathize with the Palestinians, as they are family in blood, neighborly ties, lineage, and trade, creating a long-standing and historical relationship.

The regime in Jordan, along with the King and government, directs harsh criticism at Israel while also showing understanding of the Jordanian public’s emotions regarding Palestine.

Jordan recognizes that the continuation and expansion of the war will present challenges for the country, and it will be prepared for them in the future.

Some people say that the operation carried out by the young Maher al-Jazi reflects the pent-up frustration in Jordanian society. How do you respond to this?

The operation carried out by the martyr Maher al-Jazi [in September 2024 at the Karama Crossing, which resulted in the death of three Israelis] evoked pride among the entire Huweitat tribe to which he belongs.

They have a history of fighting against Israel alongside the Jordanian army and are well aware of the burdens the Palestinians bear.

From this perspective, it is understandable that some individuals’ emotions and enthusiasm can reach a point where they express themselves forcefully with arms.

Therefore, we in Jordan do not find it surprising, as the Jordanian people empathize and unite with the Palestinian people. This reaction signifies the closeness between the two nations.

Consequently, this is a response to those trying to create a rift between the two peoples in Jordan. Although such attempts are common in many countries, Jordanians and Palestinians share deep social and historical connections.

How Do You Evaluate the Jordanian Authorities' Handling of the Public Protests Supporting Gaza?

Historically, Jordan has shown sympathy toward demonstrators, and even during the Arab Spring, significant protests emerged in the country. Some individuals seek jobs for their children, others face debts, while many complain about insufficient services; they are expressing themselves.

Jordan rarely resorts to violence against anyone, except in rare cases involving those who vandalize public property or threaten the safety of others. Those who peacefully demonstrate and express their anger in the streets are not met with harsh criticism.

The authorities managed protests during the Arab Spring positively, absorbing this upheaval with empathy, especially from the police, without people being taken to prison.

We have occasionally witnessed demonstrations for economic and social reasons, but Jordan has managed these situations within reasonable limits, neither overreacting nor being excessively lenient. Amnesty is often granted, which comes from capability rather than weakness.

Consequently, people feel safe protesting in Jordan, knowing that even if they are arrested, they will be released the next day without torture, interrogation, or violence, except in rare instances, which the public criticizes sharply.

Political Reality

What do you think are the reasons for the rise of the Islamic trend in the recent Jordanian elections compared to other political movements?

Islamic Action Front's victory, securing 31 out of 138 seats, represents a significant success, as they garnered more votes than expected. Their candidates have built strong reputations and leadership, fostering public trust among voters.

Certainly, the Islamic Action Front in Jordan has benefited from its support for the Resistance in Gaza and the West Bank. Their high ethical standards and commitment to avoiding corruption have also contributed to their electoral success.

Many members of the Islamic Action Front serve the community without regard for individuals' social or political backgrounds or influence within the country. This positive perception has led the Jordanian public to cast their votes for the Islamic Action Front.

The success of the Islamic Action Front is not significant enough to pose any threat at all; rather, it places them in a position to challenge certain government decisions that they may disagree with. However, they are unable to alter the fundamental principles of Jordanian policy, whether domestic or foreign.

This is because they represent less than a quarter of the votes in the House of Representatives. Even if they were to ally with 12 other members who share Islamic or opposition tendencies, their total would reach approximately 44 members.

Their work will primarily focus on routine matters and reviewing laws, particularly the financial budget, where they may express disagreement with certain provisions.

If the Islamic Action Front and those opposing these laws prioritize them on their agenda—despite not being politically significant—they will still have an impact.

Are we going to see a more engaged parliament in addressing the issues facing the Jordanian public in this new legislative session compared to previous ones?

The current parliament, whether with or without the opposition, faces challenges. The new members [the younger representatives] feel they have come to power through popular voting and now must defend their parties and coalitions.

As a result, the parliamentary dynamics have shifted, leading us into a phase of greater parliamentary challenges. Consequently, Prime Minister Jaafar Hassan's government will find that the atmosphere in the current parliament differs from what we have witnessed in previous years.

Economic Reality

Has the Israeli aggression against Gaza had repercussions on Jordan's economic situation?

Jordan's economic situation faces challenges that are evident in macroeconomic indicators, including growth rates. Although growth increased in the first quarter of 2024, it remains below the minimum level required to create job opportunities.

The effort needed in Jordan is greater than what is currently being achieved, as external conditions and wars have a clear impact on Jordan's imports, exports, and domestic prices.

If the Israeli aggression continues and the war expands in the region, how do you foresee its economic implications for Jordan?

If the war between Iran and Israel persists, it would likely lead to increased shipping and commercial insurance costs, as well as higher export expenses; potential strikes in the U.S. and elsewhere could emerge, reflecting a global trend of rising labor disputes.

Should this occur, Jordan may experience significant cost increases, prompting people to seek refuge in gold and safe havens, placing further pressure on Jordan, similar to other countries.

Another pressing issue is the growing budget deficit, alongside the increasing external and internal debt. The government competes with the private sector for available funds and liquidity in banks to promote investment and facilitate business operations.

The unemployment rate also remains high, and poverty is becoming more widespread, all of which present considerable challenges for the Jordanian economy, especially in the upcoming period.

Consequently, there is a need to enhance investment opportunities, improve management, raise production efficiency, and optimize resource management.