Jordan’s Airdropped Aid to Gaza: Humanitarian Relief or Profit-Driven Venture?

Jordanian authorities erupted in anger after a media report revealed that they had received large sums of money in exchange for facilitating aid deliveries to Gaza—currently facing genocide because of Israeli war since October 7, 2023.

The report sparked a fresh scandal, adding to a string of controversies that have recently plagued the kingdom.

In response, pro-government media launched a campaign against the Muslim Brotherhood, alleging that the group was behind the website that published the revelations, framing it as retaliation for the government’s decision to ban the movement in the country.

Profit or Aid? 

In a startling expose published on May 8, 2025, by Middle East Eye, the British outlet reported that Jordanian authorities have significantly profited from coordinating and supervising the flow of humanitarian aid into Gaza amid the Israeli Occupation’s ongoing war on the besieged territory.

According to the investigation, “the Jordan Hashemite Charity Organization (JHCO), an official body overseeing humanitarian aid going to Gaza, has coordinated with Israeli authorities to act as the sole conduit for aid passing through Jordan.”

Citing unnamed humanitarian sources and individuals with direct knowledge of the matter, the report revealed that most of the donations handled by the JHCO are funded by foreign governments and organizations. At the same time, Jordan’s own contributions remain comparatively minimal.

The sources also disclosed that Jordan charges $2,200 for every aid truck entering Gaza, with the funds reportedly funneled directly to the Jordanian Armed Forces. Air drops are billed at between $200,000 and $400,000 each, despite each aircraft carrying the equivalent of less than half a truckload of aid.

These revenues have allegedly incentivized Amman to expand its logistics network. The report said Jordan recently acquired 200 new aid trucks through a foreign grant and is constructing larger UN-backed storage facilities in preparation for increased deliveries under new international arrangements.

In response, the JHCO dismissed the report as “misleading and filled with lies and slander against Jordan’s humanitarian efforts,” in a statement issued the same day. 

It criticized Middle East Eye for sending what it described as biased, accusatory questions late Thursday and demanding responses within three hours, an approach it said was intended to publish the story without fair comment.

The JHCO acknowledged the financial figures reported, stating that each airdrop operation costs approximately $210,000 for free-fall parachute drops, and up to $450,000 for GPS-guided ones. It also confirmed the $2,200 truck fee, attributing it to expenses like insurance, operations, maintenance, and fuel.

Still, the revelation has stirred controversy, raising difficult questions about whether Jordan’s aid operations are driven more by humanitarian motives or financial gain.

Jordan Blames Brotherhood

Jordan’s official response to allegations of profiting from Gaza aid deliveries has extended beyond denial into deflection. After Middle East Eye revealed that Amman had been charging high fees for aid shipments into the besieged enclave, pro-government media quickly shifted focus to an old adversary: the Muslim Brotherhood.

On May 9, Ammon News published a report quoting unnamed “informed sources,” claiming the UK-based website's revelations were part of a broader media campaign orchestrated by outlets sympathetic to the Brotherhood. The report framed the exposé as retaliation for Jordan’s recent crackdown on the banned group.

Just weeks earlier, on April 23, 2025, Interior Minister Mazen al-Farrayeh formally outlawed all remaining activities of the dissolved Muslim Brotherhood, labeling it an “illegal association.” He warned that affiliation or promotion of the group’s ideas would be punishable under Jordanian law.

This announcement followed a statement from Jordan’s intelligence agency, which said it had foiled plots “aimed at undermining national security and inciting chaos,” arresting 16 suspects linked to the Brotherhood. Authorities said they had monitored the group since 2021.

In line with this narrative, Ammon predicted an intensifying media war, accusing Brotherhood-aligned platforms of launching “vicious attacks” against Jordan, while warning that Amman would respond “harshly,” not just with facts, but with its own media offensive to expose the funding and agendas behind these reports.

Echoing the same tone, al-Ghad, a newspaper closely aligned with Jordanian authorities, claimed the controversy had united “extremist ideologies and mafia-like networks” in an effort to destabilize the country, placing the “dissolved Brotherhood” at the heart of what it described as “a malign coalition.”

Al-Ghad claimed that recent criticism of Amman’s handling of Gaza-bound aid aligns in both timing and tone with the Zionist Israeli Occupation’s strategy since the outbreak of war. The paper alleged the reports served “Israel’s” broader aim of dismantling Palestinian resilience, obstructing humanitarian support, and accelerating forced displacement.

Al-Ghad went further, accusing the media outlets behind the exposé of collaborating with “mafia-like groups” that rely on fabrication and distortion to spread disinformation. The goal, it said, was to cast doubt on Jordan’s “unprecedented humanitarian and relief efforts” in both Gaza and the West Bank.

In response, the Islamic Action Front, the political arm of Jordan’s banned Muslim Brotherhood, issued a statement on May 9, condemning attempts to discredit Jordan’s humanitarian work. It called the accusations “malicious and misleading,” asserting they undermine Jordan’s long-standing and principled support for the Palestinian people.

The party also rejected any efforts to question the country’s relief role, praising both the Jordanian army and the Hashemite Charity Organization for their efforts. The statement highlighted the group’s own cooperation with the Hashemite body in organizing aid convoys funded by the Jordanian public to support the people of Gaza.

‘Reviving Scandals’

Jordanian authorities’ denial of profiting from aid deliveries to Gaza has reignited public anger, with activists recalling a previous scandal involving the Jordanian land bridge that supplied “Israel” with fruits and vegetables, despite the ongoing war in Gaza.

Although Amman repeatedly denied the exports, “Israel” later confirmed the shipments and only halted them temporarily, citing “health reasons.”

Despite the Israeli massacres in Gaza that began on October 7, 2023, Jordan continued to export produce to “Israel” to compensate for shortages caused by the war—drawing fierce backlash and sparking widespread protests across the kingdom.

Official data from the Israeli Ministry of Agriculture revealed that Jordan remained one of the countries exporting fruits and vegetables to “Israel” between October 8, 2023, and February 11, 2024, underscoring the extent of trade continuity during the Gaza onslaught.

On August 9, 2024, the Israeli Health Ministry announced a temporary suspension of fruit and vegetable imports from Jordan, pending an investigation into the irrigation sources used for Jordanian crops. The move followed the detection of cholera bacteria in a water sample from the Yarmouk River.

According to Israel Hayom, the ministry stated that a certified lab had detected cholera in a water sample from the Yarmouk River. As a precaution, it has suspended produce imports from Jordan at this stage.

The Israeli Occupation authorities stated they were awaiting information from Jordanian officials regarding the water sources used to irrigate exported crops before making a final decision.

In response, Jordanian government spokesperson Muhannad Mubaideen told the state-run Petra news agency that waters from the Yarmouk River and King Abdullah Canal were free from contamination. He noted that routine testing was carried out under a strict schedule to ensure water safety, yet he notably did not deny the exports to “Israel.”

Earlier, in December 2023, Hebrew media published images of Israeli market shelves stocked with Jordanian produce, such as cucumbers and zucchini, clearly labeled with tags from companies based in Amman and the Jordan Valley. The photos stirred public outrage in Jordan.

Hundreds took to the streets in Irbid, just 30 kilometers from the Israeli border, denouncing the export of Jordanian produce to Israeli markets. Protesters called on the government to take decisive action to halt the trade.

At the time, government spokesperson Mubaideen said the government had no legal authority to stop exports or restrict individual traders. “The government does not regulate private trade. The borders are open, and we do not monitor this activity,” he explained.

“Boycotts were a personal choice and that traders had the right to sue the government if it attempted to block their business.”